Reasoning Paper Personal Statement Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Thinking Paper - Personal Statement Example By and large, clash is a pain normal to the entirety of individuals, yet the ways that individuals battle with each other are very differing. One worker may not ever talk about significant issues, yet the following will contend unremittingly over minutia. There is a pinch of vision uncovered in our conviction that fitting authority over the procedure of correspondence may prompt increasingly impartial, compassionate, and fulfilling types of contention than are regularly experienced. All things considered, the connection among correspondence and struggle isn't direct. Now and then the apparently best types of correspondence lead to the most noticeably awful outcomes and the other way around (Dixit and Nalebuff 2003). My portrayal of correspondence in struggle involves a legitimate grouping of steps. The contention circumstance shows that one must have the option to depict what individuals do when they have struggle; for instance, they may lash out, apologize, mope, giggle, or unveil. The second step in examination is to depict the qualities of correspondence frameworks. This includes a move in the degree of examination from singular messages to repeating examples of correspondence. Framework attributes are possibly more uncovering than singular styles. A specific type of correspondence, state a solitary furious upheaval or even a progression of upheavals, may uncover minimal about the relational relationship that is seen until the common occasions that inspire the upheavals are comprehended (Hardt and Harris 2007). This is not really another thought however it is hard to try. It is just simpler to portray singular clash styles than it is to depict examples of cooperation. Our conversation centers around five properties of contention designs: assortment, balance, coherence, stationarity, and immediacy. Despite the fact that people carry on deliberately on occasion, at different occasions clashes continue without clear objectives and plans. Much clash conduct is e xperienced as simply occurring. The companion who is condemned by the other may naturally react with a counter protest and not settle on an intelligent decision about those practices (Hardt and Harris 2007). In this contention circumstance, influence is a second significant measurement. A few styles are threatening (e.g., encounter), others are unbiased or benevolent (e.g., appeasing conduct and diversion), and still different styles, for example, strife evasion, are conflicting or indistinct in the kind of feeling communicated. The ramifications of effect are sensibly direct. By and large, individuals who are progressively perfect (i.e., fulfilled, composed, and such) are all the more agreeable to each other. For instance, they offer less angry expressions, talk in an increasingly positive vocal tone, sit nearer together, contact each other more, etc (Dixit and Nalebuff 2003). During the contention, hesitant remarks can happen when one representative poses an inquiry or says something about clash and the other worker reacts vaguely. Equivocal remarks are identified with the comprehension of preclusion. Disqualifying remarks can happen when representatives see themselves in a predicament (i.e., an approach to dodge a contention circumstance). At the point when given a decision between the usual meaning of choice, and an excluding reaction, workers for the most part say that they would pick the last mentioned (Hardt and Harris 2007). The overwhelming utilization of disavowal by flat mates is not out of the ordinary, given the ungainly and exceptional social course of action that flat mates have

Major Challenges to Piagets Theory of Cognitive Development Essay

What are the significant difficulties to Piaget's hypothesis of subjective turn of events and what viewpoints despite everything have esteem? To respond to this inquiry, Piaget's hypothesis of advancement ought to be clarified alongside Vygotsky's hypothesis and the connectionist hypothesis of improvement, and afterward each ought to be contrasted and the others. When this has been accomplished the fundamental likenesses and contrasts will be summed up, lastly the regions of Piaget's hypothesis that have not been sabotaged by different speculations will be repeated. As Piaget would see it, Intelligence isn't the means by which we would class it today, he accepted that knowledge secured all psychological idea. He believed anyway that the advancement of knowledge was a transformative issue not something that could be based on after birth, just utilized. Piaget accepted that the kid was answerable for its own turn of events and in this manner educating could be viewed as old. In Piaget's improvement hypothesis there is four phases the Phases of Development. These stages are a dynamic organization which youngsters finish youth to make a mind boggling grown-up unique reasoning procedure. While the kids move starting with one phase then onto the next the upgrades they show are viewed as signs they are not simply the advancing all the more so it is proof that it is going on. The sensor engine stage is the first of the four phases and regularly alludes to kids from birth to eighteen months old. In this stage the kid perceives the world through its physical activities, the youngster will begin to disguise this data. When the youngster begins making portrayals for the data, it will begin to create thought and language, these achievements are viewed as the transition to the following stage. The preopera... .... (1992) Connectionism and formative hypothesis, British diary od formative brain science, 10, pp.209-54. Refered to in Lee V. furthermore, Gupta P.D. (2001) (eds) Childs Cognitive and language improvement, Blackwell Publishers Ltd, Oxford Thorndyke, E.L. (1911) Creature knowledge New York: MacMillan. Refered to in Roth, I. (2000) Prologue to brain research vol 1, Psychology Press, East sussex Vygotsky, L.S. (1962) Thought and Language, Cambridge (Mass.), MIT Press. Refered to in Lee V. furthermore, Gupta P.D. (2001) (eds) Childs Cognitive and language improvement, Blackwell Publishers Ltd, Oxford Vygotsky, L.S. (1988) The beginning of higher mental capacities in Richardson, K. furthermore, Sheldon, S. (Eds.) Subjective Development in Adolescence, Hove, Erlbaum. Refered to in Lee V. furthermore, Gupta P.D. (2001) (eds) Childs Cognitive and language improvement, Blackwell Publishers Ltd, Oxford Significant Challenges to Piaget's Theory of Cognitive Development Essay What are the significant difficulties to Piaget's hypothesis of intellectual turn of events and what perspectives despite everything have esteem? To respond to this inquiry, Piaget's hypothesis of advancement ought to be clarified alongside Vygotsky's hypothesis and the connectionist hypothesis of improvement, and afterward each ought to be contrasted and the others. When this has been accomplished the principle similitudes and contrasts will be summed up, lastly the zones of Piaget's hypothesis that have not been sabotaged by different speculations will be emphasized. As Piaget would see it, Intelligence isn't the means by which we would class it today, he accepted that knowledge secured all psychological idea. He believed anyway that the improvement of knowledge was a developmental issue not something that could be based on after birth, just utilized. Piaget accepted that the kid was liable for its own turn of events and subsequently instructing could be viewed as dead. In Piaget's advancement hypothesis there is four phases the Phases of Development. These stages are a dynamic arrangement which youngsters finish adolescence to make a mind boggling grown-up conceptual reasoning procedure. While the kids move starting with one phase then onto the next the upgrades they show are viewed as signs they are not simply the advancing all the more so it is proof that it is going on. The sensor engine stage is the first of the four phases and ordinarily alludes to kids from birth to eighteen months old. In this stage the kid perceives the world through its physical activities, the kid will begin to disguise this data. When the youngster begins making portrayals for the data, it will begin to create thought and language, these achievements are viewed as the transition to the following stage. The preopera... .... (1992) Connectionism and formative hypothesis, British diary od formative brain research, 10, pp.209-54. Refered to in Lee V. also, Gupta P.D. (2001) (eds) Childs Cognitive and language improvement, Blackwell Publishers Ltd, Oxford Thorndyke, E.L. (1911) Creature knowledge New York: MacMillan. Refered to in Roth, I. (2000) Prologue to brain science vol 1, Psychology Press, East sussex Vygotsky, L.S. (1962) Thought and Language, Cambridge (Mass.), MIT Press. Refered to in Lee V. furthermore, Gupta P.D. (2001) (eds) Childs Cognitive and language advancement, Blackwell Publishers Ltd, Oxford Vygotsky, L.S. (1988) The beginning of higher mental capacities in Richardson, K. what's more, Sheldon, S. (Eds.) Intellectual Development in Adolescence, Hove, Erlbaum. Refered to in Lee V. furthermore, Gupta P.D. (2001) (eds) Childs Cognitive and language advancement, Blackwell Publishers Ltd, Oxford

Tips on Writing an Essay Topic On Persepolis

Tips on Writing an Essay Topic On PersepolisPersepolis is a fictional novel written by Marjane Satrapi. As the novel covers the 18th century during which Iran was ruled by the Hulagu Dynasty and by Isfahan (today's Fars province), the theme of the book is quite typical for Persian novels, though this time it is not set in present day Iran.Marjane Satrapi is a real life woman who belongs to a royal family and had a close association with several writers in the middle ages. In addition to writing novels and short stories, she also wrote poetry and composed several plays. The influence of such people can be seen on her work, which is considered as being part of the Persian 'Traditional Arts'. In fact, this genre is very influential to modern Iranian literature.One might wonder why essay topics would be related to fiction; after all, no one would consider reading a novel about present day Iran. But today, this novel is quite popular among Persian students and would really help them impro ve their Persian skills and understanding of the subject matter.Since Persepolis is an autobiographical novel, this essay topics focuses mostly on what the author herself says about her life. In her own words, the events of the novel are based on a very personal story that she has shared with her wife, Ida. Unlike other novel, she writes down her thoughts as she goes along with her world.In the first part of the essay, she offers details about the incident that led to the creation of the entire story. In the second part, she shares with the readers about the introduction of the novel and how the event of a good story brought about her mind to write the novel.The third part presents a critique of the story, where the reader can see if the plot of the story is realistic or is it simply based on a gossipy story. In the final part, she finally offers her comments and suggestions regarding the whole essay topic, which includes future studies and activities that are to be done by students in order to improve the skills of speaking and writing Persian.In addition to the essay topics on Persepolis, she also provides additional information that will help students learn the skills they need to communicate more effectively with Persian. These include more easy-to-read paragraphs, definitions of the main words, and also the links to his site that offer free materials about the Persian language. She also offers links to her Twitter account where she posts pictures and videos of her everyday life in Iran.Like any other essay, it is best to read more than one version of the essay topics so that the information you get from each differs from the others. This way, you can decide which is the most suitable.

Anatomy And Physiology Of A Cat - 944 Words

Have you ever dissected a cat before? When I was in high school, I took anatomy and physiology. From this class I learned that I actually took an interest in this subject appreciable amount. When it came time to take tests, I did not even mind studying because I had found it remarkably interesting. From my interest in the class, I ended up getting an A. In my second semester of taking this class, we were told that we had to dissect a cat. The thought of dissecting a cat frightened me because I was going to be exposed to the guts of the cat. Nobody in my group wanted to make the first cut, thus I took one for the team. The first cut I made was on the side of the stomach; I was really gentle, as if I was performing surgery on a live person. It was not easy to cut through the skin of the cat. My teacher saw that I had been struggling to cut the cat open, therefore he came to help out the group. My teacher had told me that I was not going to hurt it in any way, because of this I started looking at it differently, the cat was dead and I should not be afraid of dissecting it. I later realized that from that experience I knew I wanted to someday pursue a career in surgery for humans. After my adventure from dissecting the cat I did some research on becoming a surgeon and I found interesting information on their education requirements, job responsibilities and the job outlook/salary. First, it will take many years before I can perform my first surgery. It will take four years ofShow MoreRelatedComparing the Anatomy and Physiology of a Domestic House Cat, to that of a Human3206 Words   |  13 PagesIntroduction For the cat lab, there is no hypothesis as this is a observational activity. The purpose of this lab is to compare the anatomy and physiology of a Domestic House Cat, to that of a human. The references are â€Å"New† Lab manual, and Disecction of the Cat. The scale of refrence is one bar = 3mm. Anatomy, Observations and Comparisons: External Anatomy. Firstly, when we got to our table, we removed our cat, which was a black and white spotted cat, and its number was 4. From head to tail,Read MoreAnimal Care For The Health Of Animals1232 Words   |  5 PagesVeterinarians work in private clinics and hospitals. Others travel to farms and ranches, work in labs or classrooms, or even work for the government† (â€Å"Veterinarians† para. 20). About one- half of all vets would work with small animals like dogs and cats (â€Å"Veterinarian† para. 2). Almost one- fourth of all vets work with a mixed animals like pigs, goats, sheep, and companion animals (â€Å"Veterinarian† para. 2). Working with large animals, only a small number of vers work with large animals (â€Å"Veterinarian†Read MoreHealth Care For The Health Of Animals And Work For Improve Public Health1383 Words   |  6 PagesVeterinarians work in private clinics and hospitals. Others travel to farms and ranches, work in labs or classrooms, or e ven work for the government† (â€Å"Veterinarians† para. 20). About one- half of all vets would work with small animals like dogs and cats (â€Å"Veterinarian† para. 2). Almost one- fourth of all vets work with a mixed animals like pigs, goats, sheep, and companion animals (â€Å"Veterinarian† para. 2). Now working with large animals, only a small number of vers work with large animals (â€Å"Veterinarian†Read MoreDog Care For The Health Of Animals And Work For Improve Public Health1362 Words   |  6 PagesVeterinarians work in private clinics and hospitals. Others travel to farms and ranches, work in labs or classrooms, or even work for the government† (â€Å"Veterinarians† para. 20). About one- half of all vets would work with small animals like dogs and cats (â€Å"Veterinarian† para. 2). Almost one- fourth of all vets work with a mixed of animals like pigs, goats, sheep, and companion animals (â€Å"Veterinarian† par a. 2). Now working with large animals, only a small number of vets work with large animals (â€Å"Veterinarian†Read MoreAnimal Care For The Health Of Animals And Work For Improve Public Health1331 Words   |  6 Pagesveterinarians work in private clinics and hospitals. Others travel to farms and ranches, work in labs or classrooms, or even work for the government† (â€Å"Veterinarians† para. 20). About one- half of all vets, would work with small animals like dogs and cats (â€Å"Veterinarian† para. 2). Almost one- fourth of all vets work with a mixed of animals like pigs, goats, sheep, and companion animals (â€Å"Veterinarian† para. 2). Only a small number of vets actually work with large animals (â€Å"Veterinarian† para. 3). TheRead MoreThe Usefulness Of Animal Models1052 Words   |  5 Pageshistory of medical research, the use of animal models in relation to the brain and behaviour of humans has played a significant role in understa nding many aspects of the human psychobiology, and ‘much of what we know about the relationships among anatomy, physiology, and behaviour has come from animal research’ (American Psychological Association, no date:online). Research on animal models ranges from simple behaviour observation to more invasive procedures such as the extraction of brain chemicals. HoweverRead MoreDo You Want to Become a Veterinarian? Essay989 Words   |  4 Pagesvets, and the logistics of being a vet. Schooling In order to become a vet, years of schooling is involved. Planning ahead, some courses that should have already been taken before college are many science classes such as biology, chemistry, anatomy, physiology, zoology, microbiology, and animal science. Most of them are required by veterinary medicine programs. A bachelor’s degree from an accredited college is also strongly recommended (Occupational Outlook Handbook). Another thing to consider isRead MoreAnnotated Bibliography On The Domestic Cat1682 Words   |  7 PagesCat From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia This article is about the cat species that is commonly kept as a pet. For the cat family, see Felidae. For other uses, see Cat (disambiguation) and Cats (disambiguation). For technical reasons, Cat #1 redirects here. For that album, see Cat 1 (album). Domestic cat[1] Cat poster 1.jpg Various types of domestic cat Conservation status Domesticated Scientific classification e Kingdom: Animalia Phylum: Chordata Class: Mammalia Order: Carnivora Suborder: FeliformiaRead MoreThe Efficiency Of Animal Testing1394 Words   |  6 Pagesnot an accurate representation of the human anatomy. The obvious and subtle differences between humans and other species in terms of physiology, anatomy, and genetic code make it difficult to apply data derived from animal studies to human conditions. Acetaminophen, for example, is poisonous to cats but is therapeutic in humans; penicillin is toxic in guinea pigs but has been an invaluable tool in human medicine; morphine causes hyper-excitement in cats but has a calming effect in human patients;Read MoreBecoming a Veterinarian1071 Words   |  5 PagesDevyn R. Fowler Oct. 01, 2014 ENG 101 Becoming a Veterinarian Animals have been a major part of my life for as long as I could remember. Even as a baby, I was surrounded by all types of animals; dogs, cats, lizards, birds. Etc. The passion I have for animals inspired me to me to want to become a veterinarian. A veterinarian â€Å"is a person who is trained to give medical care and treatment to animals: an animal doctor† (Merriam-Webster). I can find no better career path for

Diversity at Disney - 5774 Words

1 Disney Disney 2 For more than nine decades, the name Walt Disney has been preeminent in the field of family entertainment. From humble beginnings as a cartoon studio in the 1920s to today s global corporation, Disney continues to proudly provide quality entertainment for every member of the family, across America and around the world. The company is diversified, focusing on its mass media headquartered in Burbank, California (Iger, 2012). In terms of revenue, it is the largest media conglomerate in the world (Silkos, 2009). Founded on October 16, 1923, by the Disney Brothers Cartoon Studio, Walt Disney Productions established itself as a leader in†¦show more content†¦The gold medal as IDEAL Employer for diversity MBA and undergraduate students goes to Google, followed by Walt Disney, Goldman Sachs and McKinsey (Universum, 2012). Disney, which prior to 2005 had always been at the top of the list, has regained a leading position thanks to its massive recruiting efforts a nd its strong consumer brand. Disney has a variety of diversity-training programs, including programs on generational communications, creating an inclusive environment, disability awareness and inclusion leadership training. Disney works to accommodate guests with disabilities by training cast members, making the latest technology available for visitors, and constantly reviewing policies and procedures that govern park operations. In addition, visitors with disabilities can plan their Disney outing by reviewing a copy of the resort s Guidebook for Guests with Disabilities (Disney Hollywood Studios, 2012). This booklet provides a detailed overview of the services and facilities available at each park for guests with disabilities, including information about parking, restrooms, auxiliary aids, telephones, transportation facilities, and specific attraction entrance and boarding procedures. There are many rides that allow a guest to remain in a wheelchair while experiencingSho w MoreRelatedStrategic Planning : Walt Disney1592 Words   |  7 PagesMGT411 Strategic Planning Walt Disney Company Strategic Analysis Patten University Disney, Yesterday and Today The Walt Disney Company was formed in 1923 as the Disney Brother Cartoon Studio with Walt and Roy Disney. With the start of Alice Wonderland series, Walt Disney would start a company that would go on to become legend. A staple for all things animation and the standard in which the industry models itself the Disney Company went on to create ground breaking milestones in animation and allRead MoreDisney s Influence On Children867 Words   |  4 Pagesdollars is only a small example of Disney’s influence. Disney has eleven princesses that influence children, especially young girls, internationally. In figures 1a and 1b, the chart shows that about 93% of participants watch Disney princess movies. Even with a large influence on the world, many critics have questioned if Disney’s movies have enough diversity. As a college student in a school committed to diversity, I have wondered about Disney’s diversity as well. In an online survey provided throughRead MoreThe Wo nderful World Of Disney1474 Words   |  6 Pageswonderful racist world of Disney The wonderful world of Disney is synonymous with fairy tales, adventure, and happily ever after. Disney makes dreams come true and makes us wish upon a star. And apart from its entertaining purposes, the world of Disney is a learning medium in which kids can learn about ethics, values and self-image. The world of Disney over time has become a persuasive form in which children can learn about the world around them. However, The world of Disney teaches messages to childrenRead More The Walt Disney Company as an Internet Pioneer Essay1432 Words   |  6 PagesWalt Disney Company as an Internet Pioneer There are many factors that contribute to an organizations success, or downfall. Identifying these factors and the role each of them has on the four functions of management should help the organization be more successful. Three factors that may impact an organization may be E-business, technology, and/or diversity. There are many organizations in the world today, though few have been as successful as the Walt Disney Corporation. Disney isRead MoreWalt Disney Company : The World s Leading Manufacturer And Provider Of Information Entertainment Essay970 Words   |  4 Pages Introduction The Walt Disney Company is a U.S. entertainment and media corporation located in Burbank California. Walt Disney and his brother Roy have founded the mass media conglomeration on October 16, 1923 as a cartoon animation studio, and kept the official mascot of Mickey Mouse (Mink, 2007). The American amusement business’s annual revenue is about $45 billions, and employs 166,000 workers worldwide (Mink, 2007). Walt Disney has centered its business on TV shows, radioRead MoreDisneys Success as a Company Essay1104 Words   |  5 PagesThe Walt Disney Studio’s Diversity Mission Statement is â€Å"To create an inclusive environment that is open to all perspectives, allowing us to tell compelling stories in film, animation and music that visually and emotionally reflect our audience worldwide.† â€Å"The Walt Disney Studios maintains that the only existing boundaries are those of talent, ambition, imagination and innovation.† (Moore, 2007) â€Å"The Walt Disney Company incorporates best-in-class business standards as a key pillar of its businessRead MoreMouse Morality : An Analysis Of Christian, Family, And Homosexual Values1420 Words   |  6 PagesMouse Morality: An Analysis of Christian, Family, and Homosexual Values in Disney According to Richard Land, one of the originators of the Southern Baptist Convention’s Boycott of Disney, Disney is pushing a â€Å"Christian-bashing, family-bashing, pro-homosexual agenda† in its film, television, and theme park empire. However, this accusation is not accurate in regards to the majority of entertainment that Disney produces. Since the beginning of Walt Disney’s creations, the brand has focused on promotingRead MoreEssay on From Delicate Damsels to Strong Self-Starters978 Words   |  4 PagesWalt Disney. The Walt Disney Company (also known as Disney) is a mass media corporation founded by Walt Disney that is known for the creation of widely known and loved animated films, many of which include greatly admired princesses. The popularity of these princesses reached such a height that Disney created a franchise featuring various female heroines from several of Disney’s successful films. Society’s views on gender roles at different pe riods of time are reflected through each Disney Princess’sRead MoreThe Disney Departure : Differences Before And After The Death Of Walt Disney1459 Words   |  6 PagesThe Disney Departure: Differences Before and After the Death of Walt Disney According to the leadership of the Southern Baptist Convention, the Walt Disney Corporation historically stood for â€Å"basic American virtues and values† but now represents a â€Å"significant departure from Disney’s family-values image, and a gratuitous insult to Christians and others who have long supported Disney.† Their belief is that Disney entertainment products produced while Walt Disney was alive differ substantially fromRead MoreOrganizational Excellence And Change Of Walt Disney1526 Words   |  7 PagesORGANIZATION 1 Introduction Walt Disney was created by a man named Walter Elias Disney in Chicago, Illinois; he was an animator and motion picture producer. In 1923 they located to Los Angeles, California and he partner with his brother Roy in the Disney Bros Studio. ?Recently they have been called the paradigm of America and intolerance of a debaser of culture and have carried animation through the central figure in the history of animation. Walt Disney Company is a creative organizational

The Globalization Of Eating Disorders - 1623 Words

In the writing â€Å"The Globalization of Eating Disorders† the author, Susan Bordo strongly uses the pathos appeal to influence the emotions of her audience. This writing speaks in detail about the growing issue of eating disorders, that is not only becoming an international issue; but as well I an issue that now affects young men and women alike. The way that this author uses this specific appeal is in a large part with very personal and relatable dialogue, about the sufferings of young adults that are affected by these issues. The author goes as far as to begin the writing, telling the story of a young girl â€Å"never fat to begin with, she’s been on a diet for a couple of weeks and has finally reached her goal weight of 115 at 5 to 4 inches†¦ but in her eyes she still looks dumpy† (639). The author goes on to make a point to this narrative, but just the thought of this girl’s unhappy nature with herself, is enough to captivate the audiencesâ€⠄¢ emotions. The author uses this type of the pathos appeal throughout the rest of the writing to continue influencing the emotions of her audience, as to make her argument stronger. In today’s world social media, television programs, and the Internet in general seems to define and set a model for how people should act, dress, and unfortunately in the end is a large defining factor in how young adults believe their bodies should look. This social setting is exactly what Susan Bordo is discussing in this particular writing. However, this socialShow MoreRelatedThe Globalization Of Eating Disorders963 Words   |  4 PagesSoundness in the Globalization of Eating Disorders In her essay, â€Å"The Globalization of Eating Disorders,† Susan Bordo informs her audience of the growing trends in eating disorders. Through her argument, Bordo illustrates the cruel identity of body-image distortion syndrome while she searches for a solution to the eating-disorder problem by looking to its birthplace in culture. Making use of several examples and scenarios, facts and statistics, and appeals to pathos and logos to construct her argumentRead MoreGlobalization of Eating Disorders1382 Words   |  6 PagesThe Globalization of Eating Disorders Eating disorders are a huge problem across the nation. Some of these disorders include anorexia nervosa, bulimia-nervosa, binge eating, and body dysmorphic disorder. Anorexia is a disorder in which subject obsesses about food and how much they eat, while a Bulimic person eats an excessive amount of food, then purges. People affected by these disorders are obsessed with food however; they do not want the calories, so they eat as much as they can, then throw itRead MoreAnalysis Of The Article The Globalization Of Eating Disorders 854 Words   |  4 Pages Eating Disorders In the essay â€Å"The Globalization of Eating Disorders† by Susan Bordo speaks about eating disorders. In society today appearance is a huge factor. Even though appearance has always been a major thing but now day’s people take it to the extreme when trying to have a certain body image. Now day’s people think beauty is whatever is on the outside, instead of the inside and the outside. Most people go on crazy strict diets, surgery and some go through starvation in order to becomeRead MoreAnalysis Of Susan Bordo s Globalization Of Eating Disorders 993 Words   |  4 PagesDemi Lovato once said, â€Å"I’m not going to sacrifice my mental health to have the perfect body.† However, today we find that many individuals are doing the completely opposite. In Susan Bordo’s, â€Å"Globalization of Eating Disorders† essay, they fall into the media trap, the self-image trap, where they are concerned of what people may think about them. American s nowadays have pageants, modeling, and media to thank for this absurd notion. Fit women, along with strong men give this motivation to othersRead MoreEssay about Fast Food Globalization1351 Words   |  6 PagesFood Globalization Some people get confused when they hear the word, globalization. What is it? Globalization is a modern term used to describe the changes in societies and the world economy that result from dramatically increased international trade and cultural exchange. That means the world is slowly becoming one by producing goods and services in one part of the world, only to share it on an international level. This is a deeply controversial issue, however. Proponents of globalization argueRead MoreBinge Eating Disorder ( Bed )1453 Words   |  6 PagesBinge Eating Disorder Binge eating disorder (BED) is a psychiatric condition characterized by the consumption of large quantities of food in a specific amount of time, and feeling out of control while eating. BED also involves feelings of guilt and shame after binging but is not accompanied by compensatory behaviors, such as purging or vomiting. Binge eating is described by â€Å"eating at a fast pace, eating until feeling uncomfortably full, eating when not feeling hungry, eating alone to hide the amountRead MoreQuestions On Physical Health And Weight Management851 Words   |  4 PagesWHAT? This module is all about physical health. The reading begins with the three function of the food, which sets the tones of eating. The seven components of food gave a basic idea and knowledge of what food really are and what do they do to our body, or why do we need them. All of those were for chapter five and I would say those were the most of the stuff that we need to know to get into nutrition or a diet at this level for right now. As I was starting with the chapter six, the first point theRead MoreA New Kind Of Epidemic1476 Words   |  6 PagesChacin Chasity Drew English 1006-003 2 November 2014 A New Kind of Epidemic Globalization has created a strong tendency for young people around the world to follow a series of norms, generally attributed to Western civilizations, seeking to construct this idealized image of what beauty should be. Popular media, intentionally or not, has managed to successfully disseminate all over the globe. The Globalization of Eating Disorders written in 2003 by English professor and feminist philosopher Susan BordoRead MoreThe Westernization of Eastern Countries Is Increasing the Frequency and Severity of Eating Disorders2046 Words   |  8 PagesGlobalization is the integration of countries’ individual culture and traditions into one global, conglomerate culture. It leads to the spread of the dominant western culture into many eastern countries. Eating disorders are typically associated with industrialized countries primarily, but because of the globalization the economy and society they are appearing more and more in developing countries such as China and Korea. Eating disorders like Anorexia Nervosa and Bulimia Nervosa are fairly newRead MoreAmerican Fashion Industry in 21st Century1555 Words   |  7 Pagesaccompanied by exploitation of labor, eating disorder particularly in models and also the growth of counterfeit products. The international fashion industry portrays an ideal body type commonly known as the ‘size zero’ which women often attempt to attain. This leads them down the road of low self-esteem, starvation and even self-mutilation often resulting in eating disorders, health issues and even suicide. Models between the age of 18 and 24 practically give up eating and also resort to using drugs and

Childhood Essay Example For Students

Childhood Essay We were then Children with nothing but Childhood. We played kiss Tag and suicidewhich Was merely a game with Throwing, and running, and Touching the side of theSchool house before the thud Of the ball. You became The rumor of a girl Whomissed high school English And dated the boys who Would have, should have, willhave Been in jail. They said You fought with your parents And even ran away AtChristmastime. I became The sweetheart of the high School staff with Excellents,Ivy League potential, A chance to do great deeds And late nights alone in Myroom, worrying if A ninety was an A Or a B. What webecame Was friends for life who ran And then walked naked on The dunes of MoodyBeach And talked of God and life As we shot our shots of Kamikaze and I Carriedyou out of the Bar with love. What they saw Was the saver in me And the savee inyou The lost girl who was back On track after all of That trash and even has Ashot at college now Which means all the tea in China you know. What I see now Isth e girl who saved me From torching my path through The sky. At breakneck speedsTowards oldness and deadness And all the monsters we Fought in youth, who woreties, Breathed fire, and who worked more Than played. What you are now Isdropped out and free As you scheme to tag whales Off the coast of Wales or Studythe Earth in New Zealand. But you still crashed Your car twice last week On theice of Tatnic Road and I worry. What I am now Is learning, achieving, Interning. Taking notes, Gaining knowledge, looking At the future and all I could be, andgrad school, Careers and how much I could Make and B.A.s and b.s. And youworry. Rightly so.

The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank

Abstract The International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank are international organisations created to provide financial aid, and enhance the structures of international payment systems in the world markets. In the year 1944, the two organisations began their operation following the signing of the Articles of Agreement by the member states. During its inception period, the IMF consisted of 45 members.Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More The two institutions share similar attributes in that they were created at the same time, are based in the US, and have analogous Articles of Agreement. However, the major distinction between the two institutions is that the World Bank is largely owned by the American citizens, while the IMF is largely owned by the European citizens. According to the economists, the two organisations have great i nfluence on global economic policies and strategies. Their authority over economic policies has contributed to the strengthening of the macroeconomic frameworks, reduction in sector deficits, and decline in public debt accumulations among the member states. Contrary to what economists assert, sceptics believe that the two international organisations have acted beyond the powers given to them in their Articles of Agreement (Antonio 34). Over time, the World Bank and the IMF have redefined their mandates as financial institutions. On this background, this article seeks to explore the validity of these criticisms by analysing the policies and actions of the two organisations. Background World Bank Before a country becomes a member of the World Bank, it must subscribe to the bank’s shares. Over time, the bank has majored on loan operations. Loans are awarded to banks, public institutions, and private organisations within their member states’ jurisdictions. In case a borrow er is from a non-member state, the borrower’s loan needs to be guaranteed by a member state. In accordance with the banks Articles of Agreement, all lending operations should be preceded by a guarantee agreement from member states. Before the year 1968, the bank was actively engaged in lending loans geared towards project developments. However, when the Basic Needs approach was adopted, under the leadership of Robert McNamara, the bank focused its operation on tackling poverty in the developing countries. Similarly, the bank started to offer assistance in development projects in developing countries by overseeing Structural Adjustment Loan (SAL) programs (Suvedī 78).Advertising Looking for essay on business economics? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Through these programs, the bank aims to change the national economic policies among the member states. After the arrangement of the SAL, funds are distributed in a sy stematic manner over time according to the country’s ability to push for changes in specific policy areas. Notably, the bank needs their member states to change their economic policies in line with their requirements. This condition requires member states to reform their industrial, agricultural, financial, export and import policies. Through these measures, the countries have to share and sometimes relinquish their economic decisions to the World Bank. By doing so, the World Bank has interfered with the member states’ sovereignty contrary to the Articles of Agreement. Similarly, by interfering with its member state public administration apparatus, labour regulations, and public investment policies, the bank has acted beyond the powers given to them in their Articles of Agreement by compromising on the member state’s sovereignty. IMF The IMF allows its member states to contribute to the bank’s deposits. Through this contribution, each member state earns i nterest, quota, depending on its economy. According to the IMF regulations, the quotas consist of five tranches accessed in times of financial need. The member states have automatic access over one of the five tranches. However, other tranches are accessed under certain conditions and arrangements. Among these arrangements are Stand-By Arrangements, Poverty Reduction Arrangements, Growth Facility Arrangements, and Extended Fund Facility Arrangements. These arrangements and conditions were incorporated to ensure that the bank resources meet the member states’ goals of resolving balance of payment challenges in accordance with the banks Articles of Agreement. Under these conditions, the bank can only disburse its money to the borrower on a piecemeal basis. Similarly, the loans can be accredited when the borrowing state meets certain economic and financial policies required by the bank. Through these acts, critics argue that international organisations have not only interfered w ith the member states sovereignty but also limited their ability to create their own economic and financial policies. Criticisms Following the current state of the world economy, the two institutions have been heavily criticised for the ever-increasing gap between the poor nations and the rich nations. Critics argue that the two organisations have acted beyond the powers given to them in their Articles of Agreement. Currently, more than 400 organisations and NGOs have ganged up to call for the restriction and regulation of the two institutions (Lowenfeld 23).Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More According to these groups, the two institutions lack the expertise to tackle social and environmental challenges affecting each specific country. As such, the organisations should formulate specific policies and measures to be used in each cou ntry. In addition, these groups argue that the IMF has only focused on rectifying short-term balances of payment challenges damaging the social fabric of several countries, rather than helping them as the Articles of Agreement assert. Globally, it is widely argued that the two international banks’ policies have worsened the global economic and financial situations. According to critics, the organisations’ policies have not only failed, but also worsened the economic conditions in the borrowing countries. A similar criticism claims that even in countries where the two organisations have led to the enhancement in macro-economic indicators, social disparities have been eminent. Notably the use of one-size-fits all approach and restrictions of government involvements in their policies have resulted in a vicious cycle of stagnation. These approaches have seen the debtor countries reduce the public expenditure in several sectors including health, education, and other social services. In the recent past, more debtors have had to privatise their state firms, limit credit lending, and reform their tax policies to meet the requirements stipulated by the two organisations (Schrijver 56). Through these measures, the organisations have triggered conflicts in some nations. For instance, in the year 2000, the World Bank forced the Bolivian government to privatize its water service system. They had to abide by the World Bank’s directive to qualify for the 25 million US dollars they had requested for from the institution. Through this move, the government of Bolivia had to reorganise its resource management systems to suit the foreign interests rather than the country’s interests. These initiatives later sparked numerous protests and demonstrations from the country’s citizens. On the other hand, critics have criticised the two organisations for their lack of transparency and democracy in their affairs. Though the institutions claim that they are transparent, their hypocrisy is evidenced every time they carry out their activities in seclusion.Advertising Looking for essay on business economics? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Critics argue that the organisations should exercise transparent governance because as they require from their debtors. The IMF has been heavily criticised by sceptics for its lack of transparency in most of its acts. Sceptics argue that before IMF enters into an agreement with any country, they already have decided on the policy proposals thus limiting the country’s ability to adjust on these proposals. Through these acts, the IMF does not only contradict its governance procedures as stipulated in the Articles of Agreement, but also perpetuates unresponsive policies leading to severe economic condition in debtor countries (Qureshi 67). Criticisms on the democratic deficit bases their principles on the fact that the funds lend from these institutions are provided by the G-7 member states. According to the critics, it is wrong for the two institutions to impose inappropriate policies on countries that have no ability to contribute to the decision processes in the two organisat ions. Similarly, the restrictions of the debtor countries’ participation in decision-making processes amount to violation of their rights to govern their country directly and indirectly. In addition, the citizens of the debtor countries have limited mechanisms to force the two organisations to be accountable in their acts. Analysis The World Bank’s and the IMF’s articles of the agreement are clearly outlined, and any acts by these organisations not covered in the Articles of Agreement are considered ultra vires. Thus, the functions of the two institutions must be in accordance with the Articles of Agreement. In the recent past, the two organisations have been heavily criticised for interfering with political and social affairs of their member states. According to article 10, of the World Bank Articles of Agreement, the bank and its personnel are prohibited from interfering with political affairs of their member states (Simon Bryan 34). As such, the articles ass ert that political individuals in the member state should not influence the bank’s decision. This implies that the bank should focus on economic affairs rather than political affairs of member states when formulating their policies. As emphasised in their Articles of Agreement, the bank should uphold the political sovereignty of its member states. Similarly, the IMF’s Articles of Agreement prohibit the organisation from participating in political interference among the member states. From the stipulations outlined above, it is apparent that the international lending institutions embrace the same view on political actions in member states. Contrary to this rule, these organisations are accused to be working under the preference of the United States and other industrialized countries. These countries are alleged to be providing structural constraints within which the IMF and the World Bank work. Beyond these constraints set by the industrialised nations, activities of th e IMF and the World Bank are subjective to professional economists whose intentions are in accordance with particular institutional environments. Owing to this, the IMF and the World Bank prescriptions have been accused of aiding political pressures and institutional constraints from their stakeholders’ countries. Since their inceptions, corruption has been a great concern for the two organisations. The organisation has condemned on the vice recognising as a major challenge in the developing countries. In the affected countries, corruption has drained their national resources and negatively affected their economy. The organisations have been advocating for the formation of anticorruption bodies in the affected member states to thwart the practice. Challenges arise when the affected member state borrows money from the international organisations. According to their Articles of Agreements, the institutions are supposed to ensure that the money borrowed is used in the intended p urpose. In this regard, the organisations cannot separate themselves from the issues of corruption in the affected countries. However, their involvements must be in accordance with the Articles of Agreement. Through this, they are required to advise, encourage, and support the affected countries in fighting corruption only without being involved in their political affairs. However, over the years, the World Bank and the IMF have formulated policies that have deprived the lawfully governments’ abilities to create their own economic policies and programs. Though the two organisations have refuted the claims, these acts are eminent from the way they distribute their loans to various governments. Several literatures have focused on how the IMF and World Bank have trampled on the national sovereignty of its member states. These literatures assert that the institutions have compromised on the national sovereignty of the member states through imposing conditionality on their loans. Remarkably, international organisations including the World Bank and the IMF have imposed western cultural values on emerging economies disregarding on their autonomy. According to Graham Bird, when countries turn to IMF for fiscal assistance they have to aware that they are losing their national sovereignty over economic policy to the institution. Another writer, Catherine H. Lee, believes that the IMF and the World Bank have greatly interfered with the internal affairs of developing member states. Thus, it is a fact that the two international organisations are interfering with the political affairs of their member states indirectly through their conditionality arrangement. By doing so, critics’ allegations that the organisations are acting contrary to the powers bestowed to them by the Articles of Agreement are confirmed. Over the last decade, the two organisations have evolved immensely astonishing the critics and their founders. Their expansion has come to be referred to as economic creep by the sceptics. Between the two organisations, the IMF has been greatly criticised due to its dramatic expansion. During its inception, the IMF was only mandated to provide fiscal assistance and assist countries manage their balance of payment challenges. However, over time the institution has expanded its boundaries to include development and poverty eradication programs. Through these initiatives, the IMF has acted contrary to its Articles of Agreement since these acts were not envisioned in the original articles. Those against this move argue that it is illegal for the institution to engage itself in activities meant for other organs of the UN agencies. Through these changes, conditionality measures have been introduced. Over time, these conditionality measures have expanded to oversee adjustment of national currencies. In the recent past, the measures have expanded to include trade liberalization, bankruptcy legislation, poverty eradication measures, anti terr orism measures, and bankruptcy legislations. IMF and ultra vires acts Through their massive expansion, the IMF has been accused of overstepping its mandate outlined in the Articles of Agreement. The IMF has compromised its original mandate of facilitating payment adjustments through these dramatic expansions. If the organisation had stuck to its original mandate, it could have generated little business. However, by redefining its roles to meet with the current economic challenges, the institution has had to deal with issues tackled by the multilateral development banks leading to the conflict of interests. For instance, the IMF’s shift to finance the long-term balance of payment had long been initiated by the World Bank. The World Bank had tried to tackle the issue before they changed their mandate to finance projects aimed at eradicating poverty. Equally, the IMF has overstepped its mandate by availing its funds to all developing countries. As stated in the Articles of Agree ment, the IMF’s balance of payment support is limited to low income developing countries. Through these acts, the IMF has denied some countries with chronic payments deficits chances to revive their situations. In its attempt to enhance the development and poverty alleviation programs in the developing countries, IMF strategies and structural conditionality have covered all areas related to development policy. Through this act, the organisation has not only acted contrary to the Articles of Agreement, but also created numerous problems in development policy. It is alleged that the institution is not competent to tackle such complex issues. Those opposed to this move argue that there are serious risks in relinquishing development matters to international organisations mandated to tackle short-term financial challenges. It is a fact that the IMF’s involvement in poverty reduction programs may yield fruits; however, this does not imply that that the organisation is acting in accordance with the Articles of Agreement by working in such areas. The IMF should realise that there are other recognised institutions, with expertise and resources, mandated to work in such areas. In this regard, the IMF should stop with immediate effect duplicating other institutional projects, and rather cooperate and coordinate development projects directed by these institutions. The IMF and the World Bank have refuted claims that they are duplicating their functions. The two organisations argue that they are closely working together to coordinate their programs and to minimise overlap. However, reality indicates that indeed the two organisations are duplicating their roles contrary to their Articles of Agreement. Through these acts, opponents have called the two organisations to merge their roles. Similarly, the two organisations leadership has been accused of being undemocratic. The voting rights in the two institutions are not allocated on the principles of democracy. As such, most of their votes are allocated to wealthy industrialized nations. This implies that the more money a country has the more votes they earn from the two organisations. Allegations against the IMF in Asia In Asia, IMF’s and the World Bank strategies in the past have conflicted with their Articles of Agreement. During the Asian crisis, Indonesia was adversely affected by the economic challenges due to poor policies and strategies, which were implemented by the IMF to reverse on the situation. During this period, 1997 to 1998, the Indonesian currency lost its value by 83% owing to forceful interactions of politics and economics policies. As a result, Indonesia’s economic imbalances were rated among the worst in Asia. In their attempt to reverse on these situations, the IMF had to step in and help the country from further economic plunders. Through this, the IMF advised the Indonesian government to reduce on their expenditure, cut down expenditure on social service s, privatise its state firms, and adopt appropriate fiscal policies. Before the country could be funded, to bail its state institution out of the fiscal challenges, they had to meet IMF’s conditions. Later on the IMF’s program in the country led to several problems. The structure of the program adopted was so complex that the country could not incorporate. Similarly, the provisions provided by the IMF strained the Indonesian government’s ability to ease its social pressures. On the other hand, restructuring led to a rapid decline in the economy’s expansion raising the level of public frustration. During the crisis, the Indonesian market confidence was greatly affected by the financial catastrophe. Under the IMF’s program, the country was prohibited from bailing out banks and private companies that succumbed to the crisis. As a result, Indonesian businesses suffered. Later on when the government implemented tight monetary policies under directives f rom the IMF and the World Bank, the country witnessed the closure of several unprofitable banks, reduction in budgetary spending, and the failure of extended companies. Because of these, the IMF realised that their acts were going to trigger social tension. To prevent such occurrence, the IMF approved that under no circumstances could the elites be exempted from the sternness. Through this move, the IMF moved in to fight corruption to restore market confidence in the country. Critics argue that the IMF and the World Bank initiatives during the crisis were out of their power as stated out in their Articles of Agreement. The IMF’s structural reforms in the short term had negative implications on the country’s economy. As such, when Indonesia adopted these structural reforms in accordance with the IMF’s directive, they increased their country’s future indebtedness. Economists assert that if the country could have used $10 billion IMF standby finance during t he crisis, the country’s debt stock could have increased by 70%. According to the economists, these figures could have been extremely high, and could have led to further economic crises such as defaults in the long-term foreign debt payment. Another challenge experienced in Indonesia during the crises was that the public was under-informed on the roles of the IMF during the crises. According to economic analysts, the challenges in Asia at the time were unique. In this respect, the analyst believed that the IMF deployed the wrong policies and strategies worsening the situation. This implies that, the budget cutting, credit tightening and emergency bank closures were inappropriate. Therefore, the banking sector should have been strengthened by the government and the IMF rather than enhancing their hasty closures. Through this, the IMF and the Indonesian government should have advised the weaker banks to merge with the stronger banks and encourage them to raise their capital bas es. Economic crisis in Russia The Russian economic crises of the year 1988 proved that international lending organisations interfere with economic, social, and political activities of their member states. By examining, the IMF’s involvement in Russia for the last decade, we can affirm this allegation. The institution has not only interfered with the country’s political structures, but also objected the second phase of reforms desired by the Russian citizens. From the beginning of their involvement in Russia, the IMF’s interests were driven by the western interest and aspirations in the region. As such, the institution was not competent to tackle the issues faced by the Russians during the economic crisis. It is alleged that the institution was largely preferred over the EU since it solved the country’s crisis in accordance to the US’ wishes. At the same time, the US interest in the region promoted its overall rating. Similarly, by engaging itself i n the Russian economic crisis, the IMF saw this as an opportunity to take a lead in policy alteration economies. Before the crisis, the institution was actively engaged in tackling balance of payment challenges in member states. Based on these allegations, the IMF overstepped its mandate right from the time it began its involvements in Russia. As stated above, several challenges emerged from the institutions involvements in the country. During this period, the IMF had little experience of tackling long-term economic issues since this mandate was not stipulated in their Articles of Agreement. In this regard, the institution was not competent enough to enhance the country’s transition from communism to capitalism. When Russian government was faced with an economic crisis in the late 1980s, they applied for membership in the IMF. Its membership was fully granted in the year 1992. Following this, the institution funded the country’s government in two phases before stopping . Critics assert that although the IMF allowed the country to become part of its members, the institution was slow in responding to the country’s needs. According to the critics, the slowness to respond implied that the organisation was acting under the policies and interests of the Western countries who are the major shareholders. Through this act, the IMF acted above its powers stipulated in the Articles of Agreement by being influenced by political interests. Similarly, the institution is criticised for its steps in advising the Russian government to liberalise their markets and privatise their state firms contrary to the Russians wishes. Through this move, several protests and demonstrations were witnessed through Russia. Similarly, the Russian parliament was involved in objecting the government’s directive. According to the demonstrators, the government had made a wrong decision by accepting foreign assistance in the management of their economic crisis. Those oppo sed to the move were fully aware that international organisation participations in their country would compromise on their national sovereignty. Allegations against the World Bank Having been in the lending business for more than five decades, the World Bank is a major lending institution in its field. The bank provides more than $20 billion annually to its borrowers. Its stakeholders through a board of directors control the bank. During its inception, the bank was mandated to alleviate poverty through funding long-term development projects. Over time, the bank has expanded its roles and become more bureaucratic, more inwardly focused, and more averse to criticisms. Through this initiative, the bank has fostered a lending culture disregarding the risks of failure. Similarly, its management team has lied to the public on its lending operations, fostering an illusion that the institution is aimed at enhancing world developments. Because of these, the sceptics have condemned the World Bank for acting above its mandate. Although the organisation management teams are responsible for the bank’s success, they develop and implement economic policies as they are pleased disregarding the Articles of Agreement. It is alleged that the bank’s management teams are the gods of lending. This implies that they have disregarded the terms stated out in the article of agreement by leading the bank to perform its unintended missions and ignoring their professional obligations. Similarly, it is alleged that the bank is cooperating with some of the third world government officials to fund white elephant projects contrary to the best interest of the citizens in these developing nations. Critics argue that the bank pretends to be lending their funds for noble initiatives in the third world countries, while the borrowers pretend they will put the funds in the noble initiatives. Through these illegal acts, some of the bank’s staff and borrowers’ leaders have been able to serve their own interests at the expense of the poverty-stricken citizens. Notably, the World Bank’s initiatives relating to governance and anticorruption have attracted numerous criticisms. In the late 1990s, the World Bank and the IMF activities in the developing world were being faced with numerous challenges owing to rampant cases of corruption in the countries. After decades of lending, the bank realized that the borrowers were losing their borrowed money through corruption. The bank attempted to stop the prevalence of corruption through investigations, identification, and exposure of fraud committed against Bank projects. Through these acts, it depicted an appropriate step towards fostering accountability and transparency in their projects, which was against the provision stipulated in their Articles of Agreement. After a futile attempt to stop corruption cases, the World Bank management later realised that they had overstepped their mandate, something that the critics could use against them, the bank changed its focus on fighting corruption. The bank then shifted from exposing corruption to studying it. Critics argue that the shift of focus has worked well, in that it has allowed them to claim leadership in fighting corruption whilst authorising them to continue funding the corrupt governments. Through these acts, it is clear that the World Bank and the corrupt governments continue to plunder billions of dollars through white elephant projects each year. Although the World Bank claims that it is making positive steps towards ensuring that their funds meets the intended purposes, they should realise that the gap between the poor and the rich in the developing countries has been on the increase. By acknowledging this fact, the World Bank should similarly acknowledge that by the institution acting beyond the powers outlined in its Articles of Agreement has aggravated the situation. Similarly, the World Bank should acknowledge this alleg ation by lending less and supervising more. Through this, it should employ all the possible powers outlined in the Articles of Agreement to investigate, prosecute, and punish corrupt staff members who are colluding with the corrupt governments for their own selfish interests. The bank’s claim that poor governance and corruption are the major obstacles to economic growth has resulted in numerous disagreements between the accused governments and the organisation. Developing countries insist that the bank’s effort to stem out corruption and promote good governance within their territories is beyond the powers given to them in their Articles of Agreement. Despite the fact that these governments’ claims are true, they should realise that the bank’s funds are meant to uplift the livelihoods of their citizens, and not to benefit some few elites in their respective governments. Despite the critics’ allegations, legal writers argue that through the acts des cribed above the World Bank and the IMF acted within their legal mandate. According to these scholars, the decision organs of international organisations such as the World Bank have exclusive rights to interpret the article of agreements. By doing so, international institutions are mandated by the provisions to commit illegal acts. With respect to these legal experts’ concept, the doctrine of ultra vires is not applicable to international organisations, and that their activities and decisions are always legal and valid. The Articles of Agreements of both organisations have clear procedures to be followed in determining whether an individual or the executive board members exceeded their powers in interpreting the provisions. Through this, the IMF and the World Bank have argued that their acts of expanding the organisations mandates were justified within their Articles of Agreement. The organisations assert that the expansion of their institutions has taken place in accordance with article IV consultations. For instance, before the collapse of the par value system the IMF was largely involved in the macroeconomic issues. After the collapse of this system, the IMF became involved in the microeconomic issues. The organisations argue that it was within its mandate to change its roles as the article of agreements allows the organisation to tackle payment deficits and to assist countries with balance of payment issues. Conclusion In conclusion, we should note that the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund were created as specialized agencies of the United Nations during the World War II. According to their Articles of Agreement, the two institutions function under the directions of the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC). Sceptics argue that the two organisations are not functioning in compliance with the ECOSOC directives. If the two organisations could work under the General Assembly directives, they could not only be more accountable, but also con centrate more on both social issues and banking interests. Informal surveys indicate that the top officials in these organisations are unaccountable to their member states. According to these surveys, most individuals are not only unaware of the existence of the two organisations, but also unaware of their functions. The organisations spend huge sums of their resources in propaganda that portrays them as institutions aimed at steering acts and policies geared towards enhancing economic development. However, in the recent years the two organisations have been under heavy criticisms for acting beyond their Articles of Agreements. Notably, academics and NGOs have alleged that the two organisations represent the interest of the transnational corporations and banks that provide them with most of their capital. As such, individuals mandated to create policies in these organisations operate under the influence of first world bankers and third world elites. This implies that the poor, who a re the majority, are shielded from presenting their policies and evaluations. In this regard, this article concludes that the two organisations are reinforcing poverty rather than reducing it. According to their Articles of Agreements, the two organisations should encourage private corporations to invest in the developing countries in order to spur economic growth in these countries. Instead, the organisations have focused on increasing profits for their shareholders at the expense of the poor in the developing countries. Similarly, by allocating huge sums of money in the hands of some few elites in the developing countries, the IMF and the World Bank have equipped these few individuals with resources enabling them to hang on to power and resist social pressures (Weiss Friedl 7). Works Cited Antonio Cassese. International law. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. Print. Lowenfeld, Andreas F. International economic law. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002. Print. Qureshi, Asif H .. Perspectives in international economic law. London: Kluwer Law International, 2002. Print. Schrijver, Nico. Sovereignty over natural resources: balancing rights and duties. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997. Print. Simon, Lester and Bryan Mercurio. World trade law: text, materials, and commentary. Oxford: Hart, 2008. Print. Suvedī, Sūryaprasāda. International investment law: reconciling policy and principle. Oxford: Hart, 2008. Print. Weiss L, and Friedl. International economic law with a human face. The Hague: Kluwer Law International, 1998. Print. This essay on The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank was written and submitted by user Trey Love to help you with your own studies. You are free to use it for research and reference purposes in order to write your own paper; however, you must cite it accordingly. You can donate your paper here.

Rise of Russian Business Elite Essay Example

Rise of Russian Business Elite Essay Example Rise of Russian Business Elite Essay Rise of Russian Business Elite Essay Communist and Post-Communist Studies 38 (2005) 293e307 www. elsevier. com/locate/postcomstud The rise of the Russian business elite Olga Kryshtanovskaya a, Stephen White b,* a Institute of Sociology, Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow, Russia b Department of Politics, University of Glasgow, Glasgow, UK Available online 24 August 2005 Abstract The early 1990s saw the formation of a new group of Russian property owners, often derivative of the late Soviet nomenklatura. The richest and most in? uential were known as oligarchs, and they established a dominant position in the later years of the Yeltsin presidency. Only 15% of the 1993 business elite still retained their position by 2001, after the 1998 devaluation of the currency. Those who took their place were younger, less metropolitan, better educated and more likely to have a background in government, including many who had enjoyed ministerial status. The new business elite is less personally ambitious, but its political in? uence is no less considerable and its representation in decision-making bodies has more than doubled over the post-communist period. The logic of development is towards a concentration of economic power in the hands of 20e25 large conglomerates in a politically subordinate association with government, along South Korean lines. O 2005 Published by Elsevier Ltd on behalf of The Regents of the University of California. Keywords: Business; Elite; Oligarchy; Russia Introduction The Soviet system allowed di? erences of income and private accumulations of wealth. But it did not permit the private ownership of factories and farms, or even of * Corresponding author. Tel. : C44 141 330 5352; fax: C44 141 330 5071. E-mail address: s. [emailprotected] gla. ac. uk (S. White). 967-067X/$ see front matter O 2005 Published by Elsevier Ltd on behalf of The Regents of the University of California. doi:10. 1016/j. postcomstud. 2005. 06. 002 294 O. Kryshtanovskaya, S. White / Communist and Post-Communist Studies 38 (2005) 293e307 small businesses; living o? the labour of others was ‘exploitation’, and a criminal o? ence . These restrictions were being relaxed even before the end of communist rule, and a central feature of the policies that were followed under Boris Yeltsin after his election as Russia’s ? rst president in the summer of 1991 was the shift of productive resources from the state to private individuals. We must’, Yeltsin insisted, ‘provide economic freedom, lift all barriers to the freedom of enterprises and of entrepreneurship and give people the opportunity to work and to receive as much as they can, casting o? all bureaucratic constraints’ (Yeltsin, 1992: p. 6). In line with these policies, successive programmes of privatisation transferred state property into private hands; income di? erentials widened rapidly; and at the top, a new group of super-rich emerged, whose assets commanded respect not just within Russia itself but internationally. They became known as the ‘oligarchs’, with resources that typically combined banking, sections of industry and the mass media. 1 There were 15 of these wealthy magnates, and every Russian knew their names: Rem Vyakhirev, Boris Berezovsky, Vladimir Gusinsky, Vagit Alekperov, Vladimir Potanin, Mikhail Fridman, Mikhail Khodorkovsky and others. For 3 years, from 1995 to 1998, their power and their ratings rose steadily. Within government itself they had their ‘own’ ministers, o? cials and deputies. Berezovsky claimed personally to have secured the re-election of Boris Yeltsin in 1996 through the media campaign he had sponsored (Financial Times 1 November 1996: p. 17). He was known to be a member of the ‘Family’, the inner group around Yeltsin’s younger daughter who appeared to exercise decisive in? uence in the presidential court. Indeed it began to appear as if the state itself had been ‘privatised’, and that all important decisions were being taken by a small group of ? nancial magnates. It was certainly true that many of the country’s key positions were occupied by creatures of the major corporations, and that Duma parties were ? ling their foreign accounts by pushing through the kind of agreements the oil barons found most advantageous; some even did well out of the Chechen war. Who, asked analysts, really ruled the countrydpoliticians or businessmen? The crisis of August 1998, when Russia defaulted on its international debts and the rouble was in e? ect devalued, had profound e? ects throughout Russian public life, and no less upon its social structure. Some of the oligarchs were ruined (including Vladimir Vinogradov of Inkombank and Alexander Smolensky of SBSAgro); a few withdrew from public life, and others sought refuge abroad. Equally, There is already a considerable literature. In English, see for instance Khlebnikov (2000), Silverman and Yanowitch (2000), Rutland (2001), Ho? man (2002), and de Vries et al. (2004). In Russian, see Kukolev (1995a, b, 1996), Kryshtanovskaya (1996, 2002a, b) (on which we have drawn), Pappe (2000), and Mukhin (2001, 2004). The research that is reported in this paper was assisted by the Economic and Social Research Council under grant R000220127 in association with the Ministry of Defence under grant JGC902. Research on Russian business leaders has been conducted in the Elites Department of the Institute of Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences on the basis of a consistent methodology since 1993. In each case, an expert survey is used to identify a number of named members of the business elite (in 1993 there were 115 such names, and in 2001 there were 119); in a second stage, the biographies of these entrepreneurs are subjected to a more detailed analysis on the basis of interview as well as published data. 1 O. Kryshtanovskaya, S. White / Communist and Post-Communist Studies 38 (2005) 293e307 295 here were changes in the relationship between government and the business elite, particularly after the election of Vladimir Putin as president in March 2000, as the regime began to pursue a policy of ‘equal distancing’ towards them. Putin, indeed, had promised that any ‘power-hungry’ oligarchs would ‘cease to exist as a class’ (Segodnya 20 March 20 00: p. 1). But what did this mean? The beginning of a struggle by the state with the oligarchy as a whole, or just with individual oligarchs? And did this mean that private business was beginning to play a smaller role in Russian politics, or, on the contrary, that its power had increased? In what follows we look ? rst at the emergence of the business elite, and then at the structural changes that have followed the collapse of the currency. We argue that over the whole period there has been a renegotiation, but not a dissolution, of the interpenetration of business and government that de? nes an oligarchy. Identifying the business elite We de? ne the business elite as the top echelon of entrepreneurs, who thanks to their ? nancial and economic resources have a signi? cant in? uence on the taking of decisions of national importance. The business elite, for our purposes, are a much more restricted group than the country’s major businessmen, including the largest shareholders (and sometimes top managers) of the leading enterprises and banks. The owners of some Russian corporations prefer to keep their distance from politics, although the scale of their business may be very substantial. And there are others for whom politics may be their main activity. Corporations of the ? rst kind can have considerable in? uence on the national economy; corporations of the second type have more in? uence on political decision-makers, and their role in the economy itself may not be signi? ant. In other words, the possession of substantial capital is a necessary but not su? cient criterion for membership of the business elite. 2 At a certain stage in the Russian reforms the business elite could have been regarded as a part of the ruling group of the society, a result not just of the resources they controlled and their degree of in? uence, but also of their origins. The ‘Komsomol economy’ in which the current business elite originated was a creation of the Soviet nomenklatura, which became the basis for the formation of a Russian property-owning class (Mawdsley and White, 2000: pp. 95e299; Martynova, 2001: ch. 4). The relative youth of individual members of the business elite in these early Our de? nition is close to that of other scholars. For the Russian Sociological Dictionary, for instance, the ‘economic elite’ should be understood as the ‘people who control the main ? nancial-economic structures of a country independent of judicial forms of ownership’; they may be divided into the directors of state enterprises, and the ‘business elite’ proper (Osipov, 1998 p. 638). For Ashin and colleagues, the business elite is the ‘top stratum of the entrepreneurial-? ancial group of the society’ (Ashin et al. , 1999: p. 294). Zaslavskaya de? nes à ¢â‚¬Ëœoligarchs’ as ‘not only owners, but also authorised executives and those who hold signi? cant numbers of shares of the major national and international corporations, holdings and industrial-? nancial groups’ (Zaslavskaya, 2004: p. 370). There has been considerable controversy in Russian sociology about de? nitions of this kind: see for instance Toshchenko (1999). 2 296 O. Kryshtanovskaya, S. White / Communist and Post-Communist Studies 38 (2005) 293e307 eform years should not mislead us: the nomenklatura exchanged power for property, without necessarily engaging themselves in commercial activities. For the conduct of business of this kind they recruited younger associates, who were able to make use of government revenues to support their commercial initiatives. These younger associates were recruited from the party’s ‘reserve’, the Komsomol, who represented the lower level of the party-state bureaucracy in the Soviet period. Both before and after the crisis of 1998 there was a fairly substantial group of people who had a noticeable in? ence on public policy, thanks to their ? nancial resources. Their money gave them control of mass communications, the ability to fund election campaigns, assist parties and ‘purchase’ deputies, and to lobby government directly. Russia was not unusual in these respects: in the early twentieth century Michels had already formulated his ‘iron law of oligarchy’ according to which a democracy, in order to preserve itself and achieve a degree of stability, is obliged to separate out a more active minority element, or elite. For this reason, according to Michels (1959: p. 7), democracy inevitably turned into oligarchy. Writing subsequently, Miriam Beard claimed that the opportunity to achieve power was at the same time an opportunity to acquire wealth, since there were no obstacles with society that prevent the rich acquiring power for instance, through their ability to spend at election time (Beard, 1938: p. 166). Oligarchy may be de? ned as a state formation in which the major owners have not only economic power, but also enormous political in? uence. They take part in the formation of government and at the same time receive privileges from government, on which their wellbeing is dependent. An oligarchy is based on the interaction of two elite groups: the political ‘establishment’, which is ? nanced by big business and provide it with access to the most pro? table forms of entrepreneurship, and businessmen themselves. The interpenetration of power and property is expressed in the constant bargaining that takes place between both sets of actors, including the ? ? ? lling of key positions. Businessmen bring their proteges into government, and politicians after their resignation ? nd refuge in private corporations, bringing with them as a form of capital their wide network of contacts. In an oligarchic state the distance between state power and big business is minimal: it is a narrow circle in which everyone knows everyone else (Kryshtanovskaya, 1996). A de? nition of oligarchy of this kind is close but not quite identical to the one that was most widely employed in the Russian press during the 1990s, in which 10e15 businessmen were regularly named in this capacity. Unlike journalists, for whom a situational and individual analysis is important, the social scienti? c approach is a di? erent one: the oligarchy is considered as a social group whose personal composition has no particular signi? ance other than as a basis for constructing the sample to be examined. For these purposes the oligarchy is faceless, and not dependent on the replacement of one name by anotherda Gusinsky, for instance, by an Abramovich. What is at issue is not a list of the individually important, but the social relationship between the two groups who continue to constitute the Russian elite: politicians and businessmen. Accordingly, the downfall of individual oligarchs may represent not the weakening, but the strengthening of the oligarchy as a larger entity. O. Kryshtanovskaya, S. White / Communist and Post-Communist Studies 38 (2005) 293e307 297 The origins of the business elite Russia’s developing bourgeoisie has been the object of close attention over the entire post-communist period (for the use of this term see Gill, 1998). But interest was at its highest point immediately before the August 1998 crisis when it seemed that the country was being run, not by a disorganised elite under the guidance of a decrepit president, but by a small group of nouveau-riche tycoons. These were the ‘real government of Russia’, in the view of the Financial Times (K’eza, 1997: p. 98). The sociologist Tat’yana Zaslavskaya (1997: p. 54) described them as a ‘renewed oligarchy’ made up of the ‘most competent or fortunate members of the nomenklatura’, with no less power and a good deal more wealth than their Soviet predecessors. Just seven of them, according to Berezovsky himself, controlled half of the entire Russian eco nomy (Financial Times 1 November 1996: p. 17). The in? uence of this small group of Moscow businessmen steadily increased at the same time as the state itself began to disintegrate, and the country’s economic position deteriorated further. Russia’s oligarchy received an important stimulus in 1995 when the government decided to give private business the shares of major enterprises in exchange for their ? nancial support (Freeland, 2000). The debt auctions were a Rubicon separating two stages in the formation of the business elite. Up to this point the business elite consisted of ? nanciers who had enormous in? uence in the political world, but their role in the Russian economy was not particularly signi? cant. There was not much incentive to invest in industries that needed extensive modernisation before they could start to yield a pro? . After the Russian government had approved the principle of debt auctions major ? nanciers were able to invest their money more advantageously, strengthening their position in politics and in the economy. In this way, the owners of the banks that were allowed to engage in these activities in the mid-1990s became a group with genuine, rather than virtual economic power. Now their political authority was determined not by their connections in the corridors of power, but also by their real economic weight. The process by which the role of the major businessmen in society increased was clearly re? cted in the ratings of the country’s most in? uential public ? gures that appear regularly in the newspaper Nezavisimaya gazeta, based on expert surveys. The ? rst businessmen appeared in the list in 1996 (see Table 1). By 1997 they had achieved their maximum in? uence, and the leader of the groupdBoris Berezovskydwas regularly identi? ed as one of the country’s half-dozen most powerful individuals. One of the oligarchs, the head of Al’fa Bank Mikhail Fridman, spoke in this sense in an interview in 1997, soon after President Yeltsin had received him and his colleagues in the Kremlin. Imagine’, as he put it, ‘if President Gorbachev had met a businessman or two, it would have been meaningless, because their social status was so di? eren t. Just the fact that the meeting with Yeltsin took place shows how complete is the change in place and role of the business community in our social hierarchy. Now we occupy a very prestigious place’ (interview, 1997). In the ? rst years of their existence the oligarchs were a fairly small and united group, who represented not so much the entrepreneurial class as a whole as their own 298 O. Kryshtanovskaya, S. White / Communist and Post-Communist Studies 38 (2005) 293e307 Table 1 Oligarchs and their in? uence, 1996e2000 1996 1. Berezovsky B. A. 2. Potanin V. O. 3. Vyakhirev R. I. 4. Gusinsky V. A. 5. Khodorkovsky M. B. 6. Alekperov V. Yu. 7. Fridman M. M. 8. Aven P. I. 9. Abramovich R. A. 10. Mamut M. A. 11. Smolensky A. P. 12. Vinogradov V. V. 13. Nevzlin L. B. 14. Yevtushenkov V. No. of oligarchs included Average rating 98 84 e e e e e e e e e e e e 2 91 1997 6 20 13 15 28 25 e e e e 26 55 e e 8 24 1998 4 19 8 15 25 23 59 e e e 31 51 90 e 10 33 1999 5 53 12 19 72 26 94 98 29 e e e e 36 10 44 2000 4 47 7 15 60 26 54 39 5 21 e e e e 10 28 Source: Adapted from data supplied by the Vox Populi agency, as published regularly in Nezavisimaya gazeta; the list shows the place of Russian businessmen within the country’s 100 most in? uential individuals, in descending order of magnitude. narrowly corporate interests. Even their lobbying was directed not so much towards the adoption of laws in which Russian capital as a whole had a signi? cant stake, but towards the receipt of speci? c privileges for their own ? rms. The best known of the ? rst-wave oligarchs attempted not so much to de? ne the political direction of the country as to monitor personnel changes in the government. The idea of the allpowerful nature of the oligarchs in 1995e1996, indeed, was a myth that had been blown up by the media, and their real in? uence on politics was much more limited. The television executive Igor Malashenko, who had joined Yeltsin’s re-election campaign sta? in 1996, insisted later that stories about the ‘incredible power of the oligarchs’ were ‘pure nonsense’, and often encouraged by the oligarchs themselves to exaggerate the in? uence they could command (Nezavisimaya gazeta 3 June 1998: p. 8; Schroder, 1999). But behind the empty newspaper phrases a real process was ? oing on, marking the advance of an entire entrepreneurial class. The oligarchs of 1995e1997 were ambitious and naive. They enriched themselves so quickly that they began to su? er from what Stalin had called the ‘dizziness with success’; in particular, they engaged in open political adventures. They became deputies without any di? culty (which had the welco me advantage that it gave them immunity from prosecution). A few even stood for the presidency in 1991 (manager and banker Martin Shakkum), and again in 1996 (pharmaceuticals magnate Viktor Bryntsalov). But it soon became clear that politics was an expensive game for a business elite that had not yet established its own position, and the frontal attacks of the new Russians were succeeded by attempts to in? uence politics in a more systematic but indirect way. The business elite began to use the media for its purposes, as well as the opposition, trade unions and state o? cials. They started to O. Kryshtanovskaya, S. White / Communist and Post-Communist Studies 38 (2005) 293e307 299 buy insider information so as to use it in their business activities, and to in? ence the taking of particular economic decisions. The ? rst multimillionaires emerged at a time of considerable instability in the country’s power structures, and rose quickly to the very top. They understood all the advantages of their position as businessmen-politicians and played a dangerous game, ? nancing political organisations and the mass media. Their rise coincided with the privatisation of state property and w as accelerated by the re-election of Boris Yeltsin in 1996; afterwards, some of the most prominent oligarchs formed a part of the Kremlin ‘Family’ itself. Pappe, one of the ? rst to study this process, has argued that ‘Up to 1998 all the most powerful economic groupings increased their resources as compared with those available to the power structures’. But from the end of the year and particularly after the August ? nancial crisis the whole process ‘went into reverse’, and soon there was not a single industrial group (with the possible exception of the massive gas corporation Gazprom) that was in a position to in? uence government or even deal with it on equal terms (Pappe, 2000: p. 46). The August crisis and the fall of the oligarchs The August crisis of 1998 and the sudden devaluation of the rouble that accompanied it led to an upheaval in the entire society, including the business elite. Indeed, on our evidence, only 15% of the 1993 business elite had retained their position by 2001. There are several reasons for this far-reaching turnover. In the ? rst place, there had been structural changes in the volatile Russian market. If before 1998 it had been dominated by ? nancial structures (banks, exchanges and investment corporations), after the crisis their role signi? cantly contracted. The speculative sector of the economy was almost destroyed by the August crisis, and did not recover. Goods exchanges, which at one time had ? ourished, disappeared almost entirely, and the number of banks fell sharply. But in the post-crisis period industrial enterprises emerged much more prominently, and they have continued to do so. These changes were re? ected in the composition of the business elite, which came increasingly to consist of entrepreneurs (by 2001 they accounted for as much as 64% of the total). What happened to the 85% of the 1993 business elite who had not retained their position in 2001? According to our evidence, most entrepreneurs who had been members of the 1993 business elite retained their positions in business (52%), but in many cases their scale of activity no longer allowed them to be included in the list of the country’s leading businessmen. Of the remainder, 6% became professional politicians and by 2001 were working full-time in parliament or in government. Nine percent had retired on a pension; these were mostly bankers who had headed commercial, formerly state banks in the early years of economic reform. A further 10% of the 1993 business elite had moved abroad, for the most part in order to protect their personal security, and two had been killed: the head of the Russian Business Round Table Ivan Kivelidi, and the head of the ‘21st Century Association’ Otari Kvantrishvili. 300 O. Kryshtanovskaya, S. White / Communist and Post-Communist Studies 38 (2005) 293e307 There were related changes in the kinds of individuals that composed the business elite. A comparison of the data for 1993 and 2001 makes clear that it has become somewhat younger; its average age fell to 48. years as compared with 51. 8 years in 1993, shortly after the end of communist rule. As before, it is an overwhelminglydindeed exclusivelydmale group. A quarter of the business elite of 2001, fewer than before, came from Moscow or St Petersburg, rather more are from other cities (33%), and even more came from small towns or villages (42%). The reason for the greater provincialism of the business elite is the structural changes that have taken place in its composition; Moscow ? nanciers have to a large extent been replaced by regional industrialists. The occupational and educational background of the business elite has also been changing. In 1993 it was typical to enter business from science as well as industry itself, but by 2001 it was more common to migrate from the state service as well as industry (see Table 2). The entrepreneurs of 2001 were also more educated than their predecessors: just 3% had two degrees in 1993 but now 13% have a second quali? cation, often in law. The social and professional background of the new business elite leaves little doubt that it is still closely connected with the political elite of the Soviet period. Some 29% of the current business elite, for instance, belonged to the Soviet nomenklatura, a ? gure that was actually somewhat higher than it had been 8 years earlier in the immediate aftermath of communist rule. Similar processes have been identi? ed on the basis of survey evidence (Chernysh, 1994; Eyal et al. , 1998). But while the business elite of 1993 were typically of Komsomol origin, now the main source of recruitment of the business elite is government ministries (Table 3). Immediately before they entered the business elite, its members were enterprise directors (25%), state o? ials (20%), employees of private ? rms (27%), sta? from state banks (6%), and others. This was a career progression that was characteristic of the post-communist period. Formerly, the usual retirement destination of a senior public ? gure was the diplomatic service. Now, more often than not, former state o? cials after their retirement become top managers in major corporations. This tendency ? rst made itself apparent in 1992e1993, when a series of members of the government moved to work in commercial structures. They included Petr Aven, who moved from the Ministry of Foreign Economic Relations to the Table 2 Origins of the Russian business elite, 1993e2001 Sphere of activity Industry Science Culture and education Study [ ] State banks State service Other (N ) 1993 35 26 15 0 17 0 39 (115) 2001 50 14 4 13 7 16 30 (131) Source: Authors’ data. The totals include all the spheres in which the respective business elite were active; ‘study’ indicates direct entry into the business elite on completion of higher education. O. Kryshtanovskaya, S. White / Communist and Post-Communist Studies 38 (2005) 293e307 Table 3 Nomenklatura origins of the Russian business elite, 1993e2001 (percentages) 1993 No nomenklatura background Nomenklatura background Of which: Komsomol apparatus CPSU apparatus Soviet executives Senior ministerial positions 76 24 11 4 5 10 301 2001 71 29 7 4 5 12 Source: As Table 2. Those with a nomenklatura background in 1993 exceed the total shown as many members of the business elite worked in more than one position of this kind. residency of Al’fa Bank; Maksim Boiko, who left the State Property Commission to become general director of the advertising group Video International; and Viktor Ilyushin, the former head of Yeltsin’s presidential sta? and then a ? rst deputy prime minister, who moved into the state gas monopoly Gazprom. In other movements, Andrei Kozyrev went from the Foreign Ministry to the American company ICN Pharmaceuticals; Petr Mostovoi moved from the Federal Ban kruptcy Service to become ? rst vice-president of the diamond company Alrosa; Alfred Kokh, who had been ? st deputy chairman of the State Property Commission and deputy premier, became head of the Montes Auri company; and Oleg Sysuev, who had been deputy prime minister and before that mayor of Samara, became vice-president of Al’fa Bank. Subsequently the process became a much more general one. Over the entire post-communist period there have been substantial changes in the way in which the country’s leading entrepreneurs have entered business. In 1993e 1995 the most common way of establishing a successful commercial company was the creation by a state o? cial of a ? rm into which he could move directly. We call this process ‘moving chairs’; it was one of the ways in which the former ruling group exchanged their power for property. Instead of the ‘diplomatic exile’ of the Soviet period, a new means of retirement developeddmoving into business. Firms that were set up on this basis soon ? lled up with highly placed retirees. As we were frequently told in our interviews with former party o? cials and the senior sta? of government ministries, only ‘our own people’ were given appointments in ? rms of this kind, which had typically evolved from ministries and government bodies of the Soviet period. The next most common means of exchanging power for property was when a state body delegated the right to conduct commercial activity to its authorised representatives. The leading positions in these companies were then ? lled with young people who were not directly related to the Soviet nomenklatura, or who held only junior positions within it. And ? nally, the third common means of establishing a successful business was the privatisation of former state enterprises. In most cases 3 We rely in this instance on the interviews conducted for our ‘Transformation of the Russian elite’ project between 2000 and 2004 (450 interviews). 02 O. Kryshtanovskaya, S. White / Communist and Post-Communist Studies 38 (2005) 293e307 the enterprise that had become a joint stock company did not change its managers (or did not do so immediately) and the director remained at his post, no longer simply the manager but now the owner of the enterprise over which he presided. In 1993 the most characteristic route into business was through the creation of a ? rm of one’s own by the use of o? cial position (57% of the business elite); by 2001 it was more common for members of the business elite to create their own ? ms through the privatisation of state enterprises (39%). Business and politics After the crisis, not only the business elite had changed: its in? uence upon the political process had also changed. The ‘old’ oligarchs of the Yeltsin period retired into the shadows, yielding their place to a new generation of entrepreneurs. These ‘new Russians’ were more provincial, more closely associated with domestic industry, and not so naively ambitious. The insecurity of the ? rst-wave oligarchs, who had su? ered because of their proximity to the regime, taught them to be cautious. The new oligarchs avoided public life and boasting about their wealth, but sought to establish ? rmer, less conspicuous relations with the authorities at all levels, acting more often than not through intermediaries. The destruction of the media empires of Berezovsky and Gusinsky, both of whom had been forced into exile, made it clear that the post-Yeltsin regime would not allow itself to be blackmailed, and that only groups that cooperated with government would be allowed to acquire important media holdings. The new motto was loyalty. But these changes in the political context did not mean that entrepreneurs withdrew into obscurity. Their in? uence changed in form, but all the same remained signi? cant. It was no longer individual mavericksdthe Borovois, Bryntsalovs and Berezovskysdwho stood out on the political arena, but a series of more shadowy ? gures representing the most powerful corporationsdGazprom, Lukoil, Yukos, Al’fa and so forth. Of the ‘old’ oligarchy, only the Al’fa group were still well represented on the political scene in the early years of the new century; two of its senior managers, for instance, took positions as deputy heads of the presidential administration in 1999 (Vyacheslav Surkov and Sergei Abramov). Al’fa people accounted at this time for an entire contingent of the presidential administration on Old Square in Moscow, where they occupied key positions as high-level consultants or department heads. However, notwithstanding the fact that the personal in? uence of the ? rst-wave oligarchs declined considerably, the role of major businessmen in society tended to increase still further. In Table 4 we set out our evidence for the Yeltsin (1993) and Putin (2001, 2003) leaderships, examining the proportion of key decision-making positions that are held by individuals from the world of big business in each of these periods. In almost every category the proportion of business representatives has increased and across all categories the representation of business more than trebled, reaching a remarkable 20% of government ministers. The minister of fuel and energy, for instance, was a representative of Yukos in 1998e1999 (Sergei Generalov), and was O. Kryshtanovskaya, S. White / Communist and Post-Communist Studies 38 (2005) 293e307 Table 4 Business representation in elite groups (percentages) Top leadership Yeltsin cohort (1993) Putin cohort (2001) Putin cohort (2003) Source: As Table 2. 2. 3 15. 7 9. 1 Duma deputies 12. 8 17. 3 17. Government 0. 0 4. 2 20. 0 Regional elite 2. 6 8. 1 12. 5 303 Overall 4. 4 9. 3 14. 7 a representative of Lukoil in 2000 (Alexander Gavrin). Another ? gure from the Al’fa group, Andrei Popov, was head of the territorial department of the presidential administration, where he served side by side with his Al’fa colleagues Surkov and Abramov. Business in the Russian regions The oligarchy strengthened its position even more considerably in the Russian regions than in the federal centre. The crisis that followed the collapse of the currency in August 1998 a? ected Moscow oligarchs more than their provincial counterparts. The Yeltsin oligarchy collapsed, but in the regions the merger of business and politics continued. The August crisis, in fact, accelerated the process. Ruined Moscow businessmen closed their regional o? ces; in turn, they were taken over by local administrations or by the companies they controlled. There was, in e? ect, a new redistribution of property in 1998e2000. Property was removed from its former owners in exchange for the cancellation of debts, in either of two forms: the return of ownership to the state itself (nationalisation), or the replacement of one private owner by another (reprivatisation). Both of these methods were actively employed by local leaderships throughout the federation. The velvet nationalisation of the post-crisis period took place under the guidance of local authorities. The ? rst experiment of this kind was carried out by Evgenii Mikhailov, governor of Pskov region who introduced a monopoly in the production and wholesale trade of alcohol (Slider, 1999). The ? rst state unitary enterprise ‘Pskovalko’ was established for these purposes. The model proved extremely e? ctive, and over the following year eight more such enterprises were established, including ‘Pskovobllesprom’, ‘Pskovtorf’, ‘Pskovvtorma’ and others. To assist the newly established state enterprises local enterprises were deprived of their productive assets in return for the cancellation of tax arrears. Regional tax inspectors were encouraged to identify as many of these indebted enterprises as possible, and defaulters were forced into bankrup tcy so that their property could be taken over by local state enterprisesdin e? ect, by local administrations. Mikhailov’s actions were so much to the advantage of local elites that his approach was immediately adopted throughout the country, leading to the establishment of large numbers of local monopolies modelled on the national gas and energy monopolies. It was not only local political leaderships that forced Moscow oligarchs out of the regions. Local entrepreneurs who were friendly with or even related to local 304 O. Kryshtanovskaya, S. White / Communist and Post-Communist Studies 38 (2005) 293e307 leaderships were also involved in the process. In Kursk, for instance, overnor Alexander Rutskoi handed the region’s network of chemists’ shops to his elder son Dmitrii, making him the general director of ‘Kurskpharmacy’. The governor’s younger son became a manager of the oil concern ‘Kurskneftekhim’, 49% of which was owned by a Moscow ? rm whose director was the same younger son. The governor’s brothers were also fortunate: the eld er became head of a state-joint stock company ‘Faktor’, and the younger became deputy head of the regional department of public security. The governor’s mother became the cofounder of a local ? m, and his father in law took over responsibility for the region’s cultural a? airs (these details are drawn from the National News Service at nns. ru). Reprivatisation and the strengthening of the local oligarchy have been taking place in all the Russian regions. It has acquired especially large dimensions in the national republics, where forms of authoritarian rule have become increasingly prominent. In Bashkortostan, to take another example, an entire clan of presidential relatives has come into existence. The president’s son, Ural Rakhimov, was vicepresident of the oil and gas company ‘Bashneftekhim’ in the early years of the new century; a relative of the president’s wife, Azat Kurmanaev, was president of ‘Bashkreditbank’; and the president’s wife, Luisa Rakhimov, held a senior position in the republic’s ministry of foreign relations and trade. The nationalisation of the Bashkir economy was also advancing rapidly, with the establishment of state monopolies in key spheres such as ‘Bashlesprom’ (timber), ‘Bashkirskaya toplivnaya kompaniya’ (fuel) and ‘Bashavtotrans’ (transportation) ( ns. ru). By 2000 the power of regional oligarchs had strengthened to such an extent that they began to expand economically in neighbouring regions. Regional oligarchs began to appear, with interests that spanned several of the subjects of the federation. In this process, new ? nancial and industrial groups came in to existence that had no connection with the ? rst-wave Moscow oligarchy. A striking example of this type was Aleksei Mordashov, general director of the ‘Severstal’’ joint stock company (based in Cherepovets in the Vologda region), who entered the list of the country’s most in? ential businessmen at the end of the 1990s. The same kind of interregional expansion was being carried out by entrepreneurs from Sverdlovsk and Samara regions, and Bashkortostan. New holding companies on a transregional scale that have emerged in recent years include the Urals mining and metallurgical company, Novolipets metallurgical combine, and the St Petersburg concern ‘New Programmes and Conceptions’. The increasing economic power of regional entrepreneurs was re? ected in their political in? uence. In local elections throughout the country it became apparent that electors preferred to vote for major businessmen, and for the directors of joint stock companies and of the region’s biggest factories. In the elections that took place in the late 1990s representatives of the industrial and ? nancial elite took 80% of seats in the Perm’ region, about 70% in Smolensk region, about 60% in Penza, Tambov and Tomsk regions, and more than half in Belgorod, Leningrad, Nizhnii Novgorod, Omsk, Rostov and Stavropol’ regions, and in Primorskii territory. The average, across all the regions that held their elections between 1995 and 1997, was 43% (calculated from Vybory, 1998). An increase in the political role of local oligarchs led O. Kryshtanovskaya, S. White / Communist and Post-Communist Studies 38 (2005) 293e307 305 at the same time to a fall in the electoral role of civil society. The more oligarchs and o? cials in local legislatures, the fewer teachers, doctors and farmers. The election of representatives of the ? ancial-industrial elite to representative institutions of this kind demonstrates that the tendency for regional capital and government to merge has become increasingly powerful. The increase in the in? uence of ? nancial-industrial circles in Russian towns and cities is paralleled by the increasing in? uence of state-farm directors in the countryside. As a result, in all regional legislatures the directors of joint stock companies, and of unitary enterprises, banks and other commercial structures, have become the dom inant force. New entrepreneurs, within this general tendency, have themselves become more numerous, squeezing out longer-established factory managers throughout the regions and especially where relatively large numbers of local enterprises are in ? nancial di? culty. Owners and managers, according to local legislation, are allowed to combine their entrepreneurial activities provided their representative duties are carried out on a part-time basis. In this way, they have obtained a series of legislative and supervisory prerogatives but at the same time been relieved of the burdens of full-time legislative duties. The increasing in? uence of business on regional politics is also apparent in the formation of local administrations. With every year, for instance, the number of businessmen-governors increases. The ‘? rst swallow’ was Kalmykia, where the wellknown entrepreneur Kirsan Ilyumzhinov was elected president as early as 1993. In 1996 three local oligarchs became governors: Yuri Evdokimov in Murmansk (where he had represented the interests of the Moscow mayor’s group ‘Sistema’), Leonid Gorbenko in Kaliningrad, and Vladimir Butov in the Nenets autonomous region. The elections of 2000e2001 added several more, including heads of the most important local enterprises: in Chukotka the head of Sibneft’ and owner of Chelsea Football Club, Roman Abramovich (in 2000); in Taimyr the head of Noril’sk Nickel, Alexander Khloponin (elected in 2001 and then a year later as governor of Krasnoyarsk territory); and in Evenki Boris Zolotarev, head of development at the oil giant ‘Yukos’ (in 2001). In Krasnodar territory, the Koryak autonomous district and Primor’e local oligarchs had further successes: Alexander Tkachev, Vladimir Loginov (December 2000) and Sergei Dar’kin (in 2001). In early 2002 there were two further successes of this kind, Vyacheslav Shtyrov won in Sakha (Yakutia), and Hazret Sovmen in Adygeya. As a result of these changes, 12 Russian regions (or nearly 14% of the total) are today headed by major businessmen. Conclusions Several new tendencies in the development of the Russian business elite had become apparent by the early years of the new century. 1. Powerful ? nancial-industrial groups have begun to appear that are based not in Moscow but in the Russian provinces, and which are furthering the process of inter-regional integration. At the same time the transfer of the business and 306 O. Kryshtanovskaya, S. White / Communist and Post-Communist Studies 38 (2005) 293e307 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. political activities of the business elite from the capital to the regions has been accompanied by an increase in the role of the state, which has taken steps to restore its control over political and economic life. The strengthening of the state has placed tighter limits on the business elite and restricted its freedom of activity, which has led to a reduction in its direct in? ence on the political process. This relates particularly to personnel matters, where the state has taken back the role of principal decision-maker, and to the mass media. By the early years of the new century the business elite were making fewer attempts to impose their own preferences upon government ‘from outside’, but were engaged in a process of interaction with all levels of government in which they could introduce their own priorities as issues were formulated and decisions were taken. From 1998 onwards there has been a further exclusion of Moscow capital from the regions and an increase in the concentration of power at the regional level. At the same time in a series of the republics the fusion of business and government has advanced even further, as has the formation of local oligarchies. Sometimes this process has assumed autocratic forms in which big business in a region has come under the absolute control not of the state, but of its leading o? cials, who have formed ? ancial-industrial clans enjoying an e? ective monopoly of political power. The interests of big business have changed. If before they were simply connected with privileges for their companies, now with the increase in the scale of their operation they have begun to press their views in relation to the regulation of the economy as a whole. This has led to an increase in the economic in? uence of private business, which has to some extent compensated for their loss of political in? uence. With the coming to power of Vladimir Putin in 2000 private entrepreneurs have begun to be excluded from the main electronic media. The destruction of the media holdings of Gusinsky and Berezovsky, and the arrest of Mikhail Khodorkovsky in late 2003, were intended to show ‘who’s boss’. The new regime made it clear it would not be blackmailed, as Boris Yeltsin had been; and formerly oppositional media were entrusted to groups that had shown their loyalty. In the period after the August 1998 crisis big business became a refuge for many retired politicians, with a substantial out? w of senior o? cials, ministers and civil servants into the managerial ranks of the major companies. Putin’s declared policy of ‘equal distancing’ for the oligarchs means a choice: either to support the regime in all its undertakings, or retire to the sidelines. No longer can Russia’s business elite establish their own parties and engage in open criticism of the go vernment. The new regime is engaged in restoring state power, after a period in which it had been privatised by o? cials and businessmen. 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